The Interventions by former prime ministers Kostas Karamanlis and Antonis Samaritan The War Museum was not a mere reunion of two historical figures of the center -right. Were a reminder – acute or calm, depending on the expressor – that Greece’s foreign policy cannot It continues to function as a communication management product, or as an annex to third parties’ wishes.
Their concerns are not micro -political. When Karamanlis He talks about ‘uninhabited’ Greece’s upcoming hostage to Turkeydoes not make opposition; records a reality that is quietly shaped: From the removal of reactions to expansive Turkish practices, to the implicit acceptance of a de facto regime co -operation or elimination of rights in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean.
Samaras, on the other hand, with a familiar intense reason, It raises the issue throughout its range: From the “naivety” of friendship agreements with Ankara to the ideological and strategic inconsistency of the Greek attitude towards Russia. Because, indeed, as he points out, you cannot get Russia for violating sovereignty and at the same time make the “wrong eyes” when Turkey threatens with casus belli.
The regional framework makes their criticism even more timely – and more critical. To Ukrainethe west has not achieved a strategic victory and now seems to seek compromises with A Russia that remains a front -line player. At the same time, at Middle East, The Israeli military overrun in Gazathe pressures in Lebanon and Syria, the crisis in the Gulf of Aden, but also the visible destabilization of Egypt, create a new geopolitical landscape.
And in this landscape, Greece is strategically absent. Either in return movements (such as the weapons to Ukraine), or with a reluctance to confront Turkey’s revisionist stance, the Mitsotakis government – with alibi the “right side of history” – follows a policy of alignment without a national balance.
Instead of looking for exchanges for her willingness, Athens seems satisfied with ideological accession to the Euro -Atlantic speechwhile countries such as France, Hungary or even Turkey – in its own unconventional way – are imposing their own agenda on the powerful.
Greece does not have the luxury To do foreign policy as a “student of a student” of the Western bloc. Nor to deal with its strategic survival in terms of liberal relunds. The national lines require continuity, depth, and above all: National Memory.
Karamanlis and Samaras, no matter how one disagrees with individual aspects of their policy, they speak from the experience of managing national crisis. And that is why their reason cannot – and should not – be interpreted as an intra -party whisper or a new political plan. It is, above all, a danger signal. And if it is not heard in time, then – as Samaras himself said with Wilde – the story will not forgive the naivety.
Kyriakos Mitsotakis must – not only politically, but nationally – to call both former Prime Ministers Costas Karamanlis and Antonis Samaras, as well as the leaders of the political parties at the Maximos Mansion for a sincere, meaningful and detailed information on Greek politics. The country cannot be marched with inner silence and external illusions. In an international environment that changes rapidly – from the fluid situation in Ukraine and the new balance of forces in the Middle East to reinforced Turkish diplomacy – the national strategy cannot be planned in absentia those who managed critical national moments or represent important policies today. Democracy is not threatened by knowledge, but by arrogant self -sufficiency.